The movement of the conquests ( Futûhât) bases itself(establishes itself,itself) from the principle of the jihâd, which is the base of a confrontation between the islamisateur and the Islamized future. The Maghreb was the territory which was going to allow the community of the believers to install(settle) a politico-religious power, attached in the center of the islâm and to the institution of the caliphate. Let us note that the platform of the islâm of base established(constituted) by unitarian and equaliterian principles, facilitates in a way the speech to be held the Islamized future, as such, everything indicates that the first hostility of some and the others to the Arabic conquest disappeared at the end from the war thanks to the application of the politico-social mode of organization and the universalist vocation claimed by the Koran and the sunna. The jihâd, the real juridico-theological institution, remained during centuries a concept of territorial expansion which determined the relations between the Muslims and the non-Muslims, that is why the holy war is a dogma, a Moslem institution and a historic application of the concept.

The jihâd (name of action(share) in the third shape, - the one who indicates(appoints) the action(share) managed on an object of a root meaning " to make effort ") is the supreme act which indicates(appoints) the fight(wrestling) for the expansion of the Moslem religion and its defense against the second people of the earth(ground), the people who live in the country of the war. The unfaithful, whatever is their faith are intended to pass under the Moslem jurisdiction. The permanent war of the Muslims against Dâr al-harb is thus a divine obligation(bond) emanating from the Koran " Fight(Dispute) the polytheists totally as they fight(dispute) you totally " as well as words and acts of the prophet.

This collective duty was surrounded with legal discussions under diverse forms, to draw a precise legal framework in its shape and its principles so that the religious obligation(bond) devînt an act of inseparable faith of the other acts of the islâm. The jurists and the doctors of the Moslem law examined closely the Koran and the Sunna to explain and justify the obligation(bond) of the supreme act, of which its practice was necessary for the religion and for the community. The jihâd is an open war against all those who submit themselves to the error, it aims at converting them, at conquering them of strength and at seizing their properties(goods) (1 ). The lawyers of four rites of the right(straight) Muslim developed the following doctrine: according to malikites « The jihâd is an obligation(bond) of divine institution. His(her,its) fulfillment by some in exemption the others. For us, Malikites, not it's better to begin the hostilities with the enemy before having called him(it) to kiss(embrace) the religion of Allâh, unless the enemy takes the offensive at first. It is one or the other either they will be converted to the Islam, either they will pay the jizya, otherwise, we shall wage war to them. » (2).

Indeed, for the Muslim, the God ordered the jihâd against the heathen, the Jews, the Christians as well as zoroastriens ( Majûs) ( 3 ) as well as against any shape of religion; the jihâd owes legitimize to continue until the religion is completely and only. The jihâd thus is to be the most honorable activity which the jurists and the members of the Moslem company(society) can dedicate to God ( 4 ). The jihâd against dâr al-harb is a legal, pious and justifiable act; turned(shot) against the non-Muslims intended consequently for the conquest him(it) is according to the divine will. This conquest is governed by a code of legal principles, the supreme end(purpose) of which is the conversion of the unfaithful. The first ones aimed by this military act are the heathen which had only two choices: The death or the conversion, whereas the Jews and the Christians could, under certain political, economic and social conditions to keep(guard) a relative freedom of worship(cult), the property and the safety(security) of the persons and the properties(goods).

The holy war remains an obligation(bond) for all the Muslims, according to the possibility of each. It is one of the pillars(props) of the faith, but also the pillar(prop) of the Islamic state based on the Koran and her(it)Harî^CHasOf this fact the jihâd is an institution, because he allows at once(at the same time) the financing of the conquests, the organization of the tax system and that of the territory. The Islamic state subjected to the institution of the holy war privileged in his(her) administrative organization the serviceman at the cost of politics(policy). Indeed, it is the military institution of the jihâd that would determine the character of the political institutions, no change could be realized without the contribution of the military organization. The jihâd remains one in the sources(springs) of profits and wealth for the Muslims. This last one of the death of the Prophet in 632 until the battle of Poitiers in 732, endowed the Islamic state of a very important number of provinces. The financial fallout(effects) allowed this empire to realize political, economic and administrative progress and granted to Arabic to enter a civilization of refinement, far from the nomadic life of Arabia.

Actually, a century after the death of the Prophet, only the wars of the jihâd allowed the expansion of the Islamic state, shouting what we can call the sphere of the islâm or dâr al-islâm. The conquered territory was settled(adjusted) by the political and social order of the islâm even if his(her) inhabitants were not every Muslims. Therefore, the Islamic state works in the fact that the Muslim worship(cult) and the ascendancy of her(it)Harî^CHas Become the majority opinion in the country, beyond the conversions of the populations. In the Maghreb, what can interest our historic steps(initiatives) it is the facts and the events of the conquest that tell and express the principles of the jihâd, which turn(shoot) around four legal interpretations(performances):

1 - The offensive period and the call(appeal) to the islâm by the persuasion, which can lead to a peace treaty or to a holy war. He so goes away when no threat weighs on dâr al-islâm, in that case handbook, the jihâd becomes a collective obligation(bond) ( Make-up ^CAlâ al-Kifâya).

2 - The second interpretation(performance) is the defensive fight to push away(to repel) the attacks against dâr al-islâm. In front of an imminent threat which gets(touches) the territory, the jihâd in that case becomes ( Make-up ^CAlâ al-^CAyn): All the Believers - men(people), women and sometimes even the children and the dependent group together(include) to push away(to repel) the aggressors. The jihâd in that case imposes upon the community in general.

3-La the third interpretation(performance) is the initiative of the attack, outside four sacred months, or in all time(weather) as requires(demands) him(her,it) the inflexible line of imâms to return the godless on the "straight and narrow ( 5 )".

He(It) is absurd to discuss the question of the jihâd legally and to conclude very hastily that the holy war in the Maghreb was literally applied both by the military leaders and by the power of east, organizer of military campaigns and it for two reasons: the first one(night), is that the holy war supposes and requires(demands) conquerors, whatever is their tribal or doctrinal membership, to keep(preserve) safe, conquered all the territories in case of military defeat. The second, is that the holy war is an average serviceman for the conquest of a territory beyond its economic and strategic importance, it is the political duty which rests(bases) on a commitment of monk, as are underlined in they HadîT Of the Prophet, it is an act of pure worship, it is one of the doors of paradise, big celestial rewards(awards) are assured(insured) those who has give (6) there.

The Maghreb knew what our sources(springs) call generally: the lightning conquest (Hamla khâtifa) organized at the beginning of the conquest and the conquest perm ( Istiqrâr). What are the reasons of these two strategies? Why was the Muslim power able to choose to privilege the short-lived ( the non-permanent employee)? And it in spite of his(her,its) financial means, of the experience(experiment) of his(her) fighters, the political and financial fallout(effects) bound(connected) to the conquest? We thus see that the holy war in the Maghreb cannot be analyzed through the only principles of the jurists, even if historically all the mode agrees to say that the jihâd was the objective in itself. The case of the Maghreb is by no means an example on the subject and it is necessary us we interested in the historic jihâd to seize completely the transfers(transformations) which followed the conquest of the Maghreb.

The caliph ^CUtmân worried by the state of the Maghreb, which represented a threat for the Moslem strengths in Egypt and in Tripolitaine (Qurb hawzihim mined(undermined) al-Muslimîn) had envisaged a military intervention (7). Indeed, the majority of our texts so legitimize the military action(share) by these borders (TUghûr) Between dâr al-islâm and dâr al-harb, and the act of the holy war in these conditions imposes upon the whole community. When the decision taken by the supreme leader, the east gets ready for the holy war at every level, under the authority of the caliph and its orientations. The sending of the Moslem strengths, had been the object of a religious rite of the caliph in the Mosque of Medina ( Istikhâra) and a political rite, the meeting of the big companions(journeymen) of the Prophet to discuss the question ( Istishâra) ( 8 ). The finished preparations, ^CUtmân exhorted his(her) troops in the following terms: « he(it) rose then in pulpit, and addressing the troops, them exhorted them to fight(dispute) for the cause of God » (9). The speech of the caliph had enclosed the ceremony of the warlike preparations in East. The junction of both strengths of Medina and Egypt threw(launched) the conquest of Ifrîqiya.

Once in Ifrîqiya, the application of the dogma of the jihâd imposes upon the Arabic military leaders. At the beginning, the negotiations were engaged(opened) between the strong man of the country the patrice Grégoire ( 10 ) and ^CAbd Allâh b. His(her,its)^CD (11). 13 days the negotiations ended with the battle of Sufetula, but nothing was told by the columnists(commentators) on the discussions ( 12 ), except the invitation made for Grégoire to kiss(embrace) the islâm ( 13 ). What was the political and economic guarantees offered by the conquerors? What was the future of the high-ranking men(people)? We have no text which answers these questions, except this invitation, that the patrice Grégoire had refused, texts in our ownership stipulate that within the framework of the fight(wrestling) « in the way of God », the first religious procedure was followed according to our texts.

The dispute between both men(people) in the negotiations was of financial order, because the conquerors had asked for the tax of the jizya ( 14 ). In proud man ( 15 ), the patrice Grégoire had refused the second procedure of the jihâd, with strength ( 16 ). The religious procedures which establishes(constitutes) the principle of the jihâd allowed the conquerors to place Grégoire in front of the choice of the war, but we can think that the Moslem strengths were, too, in the obligation(bond) to engage(start) the hostilities.

However once the acquired victory and the obtained spoil of war, the conquerors negotiating a treaty with the Berber and Byzantine leaders. The treaty according to our documents, had required(demanded) only the annual tax (kharâj sanawî), in exchange for a total evacuation of territories why this fast recession(drop)? Is it necessary to impute him(it) to the political situation of the east or to the status as regards military service of his fighters? (17). If we refer to the narrative of the columnist(commentator) al-Nuwayrî, it seems that the criteria bound(connected) to the holy war were not all respected by the conquerors, also he writes « according to the other one, he granted(tuned) them the peace for a sum of money of two millions five hundred thousand which have counted him(her), and one Condition of the treaty was that the Muslims kept(guarded) all the booty that they had matched War, but which he(it) made that he(it) had removed(kidnapped) since the beginning of the negotiations » (18). The losers did not thus emit(utter) as only condition in the peace treaty, the evacuation of their territory. He(it) seems clear in the reading of the works of the columnists(commentators), that both tried to pull(fire) the biggest profit of the treaty, on the basis of the earth(ground) against a compensation(allowance).

This shape of conquest of Abd Allâh b. His(her,its)^CD and of Mu^CÂwiya b. Hudayj in was followed by a real army of holy war, that of Uqba. If these predecessors observe strictly the call(appeal) to the conversion, the jihâd led by ^CUqba in for only objective the activity(occupation) of Ifrîqiya, which became the only means to create the dynamics of the integration of these territories in dâr al-islâm. He(it) opted for the permanent setting-up(presence) to engage(start) the process of the Islamization and the arabization. The historic progress of the conquest is anxious to conjugate in a way in the rules of the dogma of the holy war, conferring on the call(appeal) to the conversion of the unfaithful a frame(executive) and a juridico-theological meaning, which was heavily going to weigh in the relations between the Muslims and the non-Muslims. Sources(springs) load(charge) the symbolism of the holy war of an additional element: martyr who explains and proves the politics(policy) of conquest without fold nor negotiation.

Before appears martyr's notion which was going to become mark(brand) of the historiography of the conquest of the Maghreb, the historico-geographical tradition had justified the link crowned with the Maghreb through the words of the Prophet. A significant number of HadiT Were indicated by the Arabic papers to make sacred the acts of the conquerors. They returned the conquest and the acts which compose her(it) so that they join the historic continuity up to the Prophet.

The Andalusian al-Bakrî geographer brings back(reports) the following traditions: « on Sahnûn Ibn Sa's authority^CÎd and Mûsâ Ibn Mu^CÂwiya, who(which) had received him(it) from Ibn Wahb ( 19 ), who(which) held her(it) of His(Her,Its)^CÎd Ibn Abî Ayûb, who had had him(it) of Shurahbîl Ibn Suwayd, who had heard(understood) him(it) of the mouth of Abû ^CAbd al-Rrahmân al-Jubûlî: « the Prophet, he says, sent a troop of warriors to expedition(shipping). When they were back, they told him(her) that the intensity of the cold had made them many suffer, and he answered them: " the cold is stronger in Ifrîqiya, but the reward(award) is stronger » (20). The malikites traditionalists of the Maghreb related this hadît under various shape as Sahnûn and Mûsâ Ibn Mu^CÂwiya. Another hadit on the jihâd in Ifrîqiya was brought back(reported) by Ibn Abî al-^CArab: « Furât told me that he had heard in ^CAbd Allâh Ibn Abî al-Hasan that ^CAbd al-Rrahmân Ibn Ziyâd Ibn Anâm had assured him(her) that he liked of Abû ^CAbd al-Rrahmân al-Jubûlî the following tradition: " Saint Prophète said: the holy war will stop in all the countries, excepted(except) in a place of the west which is called Ifrîqiya. While ours will be in front of the enemy, they will see mountains changing place(square); then, they will prostrate themselves before the almighty, and nobody will free(clear) them of the rags, if it is not their servants, in the Paradise » (21). Hadits brought back(reported) by the traditionalists is at once(at the same time) a kind of symbolic confirmation that Ifrîqiya, and with her the whole territory of the west (Gharb dâr al-islâm), was an earth(ground) of jihâd since the succession(advent) of the islâm in Arabia, but this hadîts was also the speech which had held the second Arabic generation after the conquest, as the malikites of Ifrîqiya with the head famous Sahnûn and sons(threads) of the first caliphs as ^CAbd Allâh Ibn ^CUmar al-^CUmarî son(sons,thread) of the second caliph of the Prophet ^CUmar and ^CAbd Allâh Ibn ^CAmr son(sons,thread) of the famous general ^CAmr b. al-^CÂs.

Historically, these HadîT Were going to strengthen the conviction of the doctors of the law that Ifrîqiya is a territory of her(it) ^CUnwa. Any act bound(connected) to the conquest of this territory is of this fact symbolically sacred, and, from this point of view, die martyred in the Maghreb is considered as the supreme act of every Muslim who wanted at once(wanted at the same time) to follow the rules of the Prophet and to carry out(to achieve) what the messenger had already said. So, the notion of the holiness sees she(it) in the daytime with one of the martyrs of the conquest, ^CUqba b. Nâfi^C. The columnists(commentators) who were interested in the jihâd of Uqba, set up him(it) as the most glorious example of the conquest of the Maghreb, the diverse episodes of the life of this famous successor (Tâbi^CÎ)At first founder of the city of Qayrawân, his(her,its) second expedition(shipping) set up him(it) to the rank of the heroes of the conquest of Berbèrie overtaking in glory Mûsâ b. Nusayr and conquering Târiq of Spain. ^CUqba is perceived(collected) as having dedicated to look and to work in the way of Allâh to obtain the supreme glory of the shahâda, carrying out(achieving) by his acts the following Koranic verse: « those who obey Allâh and the Apostle, those are with the Prophets, Just(Right) ( Sidîqûn), witnesses(batons) (Shuhadâ ') and the Saints whom Allâh swamped with benefactions. How much those are well as companions(journeymen)! ».

The Arabic historiography, underlines and amplifies the talab al-shahâda (the passion of martyr) by ^CUqba b. Nâfi^C So marking the aspect of the conquest of the Maghreb. Let us call back briefly, that the appointment of Uqba b. Nâfi^C Was going to give a decisive bend to the Arabic conquest. Runner of Wadân, for his(her,its) first expedition(shipping), everywhere where his(her) army arrived, he(it) took care of asserting the authority of the Moslem religion: construction of Mosque and establishment of garrisons to be of use to the missionaries, an action(share) which was going to end in the foundation of Qayrawân, the first one(night) quoted from the islâm, the peripheral province of dâr al-islâm in the Maghreb had been born and, with her, the legend of the first saint of the Maghreb Sîdî ^CUqba.

The Arabic authors still tell that Uqba carries out(achieves) miracles. The sky would have indicated him(her) the direction(management) of the qibla. He(it) had given order to all the snakes and the other animals to abandon(to give up) the places of Qayrawân. The Arabic historico-geographical tradition transformed it Tâbi^CÎIn legend and he conferred an inescapable(major) legitimacy, because it registers him(it) in the tradition of the prophet. Al-Bakrî indicates that according to the tradition which results from Abû al-Muhâjir (governor and military leader of the Arabic conquest), which considered her he of her private tutors: « our saint Prophète, said Sihr, forbade in his to take for house this cursed village which we call Tahûda. He said: we shall kill several men(people) of my people there while they will be to fight(dispute) in the way of God. Their reward(award) will be the same that that of the martyrs of Badr and Uhud, with which (courage) they exposed(explained) themselves to die! ». Al-Bakrî adds that it is about Uqba b. Nâfi^C Killed by the Berbers and the Christians with a city which we name Tahûda.

By setting up ^CUqba to the rank of martyr of the holy war in Ifrîqiya, the historico-geographical tradition succeeds in establishing the link between the symbolic character and the appearance of the islâm in Arabia through the holy war of the Prophet and his(her) companions(journeymen), marked by battle of Bar and Uhud. The reference to these two battles, legitimizes the context of the conquest of the Maghreb, by registering him(it) in the continuity of Jihâd of the Prophet. She(it) unified also the territory of the Maghreb around the holiness of ^CUqba with whom(which) collided the fatimide al-Mu^CIzz b. Hour / 956-957 Manâd in 345 when he wanted to change the position of the qibla of the mosque of Qayrawân. The search(research) in the Maghreb of the shahâda, does not have to make us forget that whatever is the ideal of Mujâhidûn, the booty remains an element determining in the Arabic military campaigns. It was a legal and immediate resource before the empire in VIII^E Century organize this territory as earth(ground) of tax ( Kharâj) to make sure a permanent resource in the center of the islâm and its treasury. We go to see(visit) at the moment how the Arabic sources(springs) which praised the passion of martyr, described this famous booty, perfectly legal according to the tradition of the holy war.

The mode of name of the soldiers of the conquest obeys very clear criteria: the future conqueror first of all has to have to be Muslim and has to have to enjoy all his physical and mental faculties(powers) to be ready at any time for the fight: then he(it) is taken into account the "manliness ( dukûra )" and the "puberty" - criterion subject to discussion between the diverse trends(tendencies) of the islâm in particular between Sunnites and shi^CIte. Finally the call(appeal) to the holy war by the imâm of the Islamic community can mobilize at once(at the same time) the permanent troops of the caliph, the Arabic tribes, the auxiliaries(aids,assistants) and individually every Muslim whose Moslem jurists consider that he answers the requirements above.

The Arabic sources(springs) offer conquerors and their military organizations during eight campaigns(countrysides) of the Maghreb the following description: all are men(people) (dukâra ), Moslem muslim ). They were militarily organized in two categories: the foot soldiers and the riders and at the operational level, they establish(constitute) in right wing (Maymanat al-jaysh), in left wing (Maysarat al-jaysh), with in the head of every wing commander(major), whereas the heart (Qalb al-jaysh) is established(constituted) by commander(major) of the campaign(countryside) and by high-ranking Arabic men(people) (companions(journeymen) of the Prophet, the son(sons,thread) of caliphs, representatives of the Arabic tribes etc.). The Arabs used(wore out) detachments, established(constituted) by their best riders for the military intelligence (troop of gratitude(recognition)) and for the provisioning with the local populations. The military hierarchy remained simple a general leader of campaign(countryside) (Qâ' id al-hamla), indicated(appointed) by the caliph, the circle of acquaintances of the qâ' id consisted of its councillors(advisers), mainly of Qurayshites and sometimes of members of the family of the caliphate, as well as the notables of the tribes who participate in the campaign(countryside).

The Arabic historiography took care of delivering data calculated(coded) both as regards the number of conquerors for every campaign(countryside), and estimations of the booties of the Maghreb, their division(sharing) and the difficulties which ensue from this last one. So we considered useful to establish a plan of the war economy which the first caliphs established, that of the Maghreb being a consequent contribution for the treasury. The Muslims treated(handled) in their works of the fiqh the question of the division(sharing) of the booty, which the expeditions(shippings) of the Maghreb is not escaped and which several passages of the historico-geographical tradition evoke. But, before going farther, it is necessary to us to define first of all some elements: figures supplied by the Arabic documentation stay figures approximate, difficult to verify and the sometimes same abstracts. We raised(found) these figures to see how the columnists(commentators) immortalized the tradition of the textual copying of the texts from an author to the other one. Naming used as indicators and indications financial fallout(effects) from the Arabic conquests is multiple, they are often qualified to speak about the war, about its consequences, about his(her,its) importance in the economy of the Islamic state. Among these naming, we have, chosen to raise(find) the following ones:

1 - Ghanîma pleased. Ghanâ' im, word which indicates(appoints) set(group) what an army can take after the military victory, what returns to him(her) of right(law). The Arabic historico-geographical tradition, has mainly, resort(turn) to this word to mark the end of a military confrontation, but also mean the economic purpose of the conquest, which remains an element of ascendancy on the question of the conversion of the populations. It is a symbolic shape of the defeat of the enemy because it is about a transfer of the properties(goods) of the unfaithful in the hands of the believers(regular customers) which fight(dispute) in the way of Allâh. To take the properties(goods) of the losers is the beginning of the system of it DImmaOpponents who did not choose from the beginning both offered possibilities: the islâm or the jizya. In the mentality of the conquerors of the Middle Ages, they have all the necessary legitimacy to seize all which falls into the hands to them after the military victory.

2 - Asr pleased. Asrâ (prisoners), the term remains rather indistinct in the Arabic sources(springs), but often it indicates(appoints) the men(people) captured at the time of the battle. These prisoners are considered as war prisoners, and their captivity is bound(connected) to the hostility which they feed towards the conquerors, so they can count among the ghanîma.

3 - Pleased Saby. Sabâyâ, is the specific word which indicates(appoints) the captive women, but the Arabic columnists(commentators) sometimes add, as explanation the word Ahl, wildân, DUriyatihimEtc. These words indicate(appoint) the whole family, and illustrate the scale of the victory, because the losers had even no possibility of putting their families shielded from the fights.

The laws of the war islâm made the unanimity ( Ijmâ^C) Lawyers, in particular on the modalities of the fights and the principles to be respected towards the populations. The right(straight) Muslim forbids to kill the minors(miners), the women, and the old men, who do not participate in the fight. But, legally, we can kill the men(people) in weapons, the monks and the mercenaries who are in the service of the unfaithful fighters. Treaties distinguished between the fighters and his women, children, slaves etc. For the noncombatants the solution the most approved in the environment(middle) of the doctors consisted in enslaving all the inhabitants of the second sector of society, which is not directly concerned by the conflict. As for the properties(goods) and for the slaves of the unfaithful, they are henceforth seized by the Muslims and become their property. On the other hand, the fate(spell) of grown-up and free war prisoners, is suspended from the appreciation of the caliph or the sovereign who can choose between four legal possibilities:

1 - The caliph can kill these prisoners.

2 - Release them, under certain conditions: ransom...

3 - Exchange them for the Muslims prisoners of the other camp.

4 - Reduce them to the slavery.

The war prisoners thus become a property of the Muslims and only the imâm of the community has the right(law) to apply the principles of the treatment reserved by the islâm for prisoners. The Arabic documents give evidence of the distribution of the booty between two institutions: the conquerors the military institution on the ground in the Maghreb, and the politico-religious institution in East represented by the caliph. The first example which seemed to us very clear in the field of the division(sharing) of the booty in the Maghreb is the expedition(shipping) of Abd Allâh b. His(her,its)^CD. Ibn ^CAbd al-Hakam indicates: « he(it) shared between us the booty, having taken the quint. The part of every rider reached(affected) three thousand dinars: two thousand for the horse, one thousand for its master(teacher). Every foot soldier received one thousand dinârs. A man of the army having died in al-Humâm, his(her) family received one thousand dinârs ».

De facto(Actually) after the victory of Sbaytla we divided the booty into four to distribute him(it) then. The taking of the quint is of Koranic order, it is due to the treasury (Bayt al-mâl) and indispensable for the fighters; in this last case the jurists adopted for a difference between the part of the foot soldier and that of the rider. The rider receives the triple of the foot soldier, a part for him and two parts for his horse, distribution in compliance with the dominant thought taught by Mâlik b. Anas. Only Abû Hanîfa had opposed to it, suggesting reducing the part of the animal to a single part. The fourth part was reserved for the families of the fighters died in the holy war.

This economic and financial system stemming from the holy war, was going to assure(insure) a kind of financial autonomy the conquerors. The booty is a considerable resource of the economy of the holy war, which is renewable in every victory of the army. What lets us suppose that the economy of the war strengthened in the Middle Ages the hard trend(tendency) of the legal radicalism within the intellectuals. Peace treaties were always built with the aim of the economic profitability of the war. The winners(conquerors) of the battle of Sufetula had required(demanded) a considerable levy to agree on the evacuation of the troops of Ifrîqiya. This levy was going to feed the treasury of the caliph ^CUtmân. It is consequently justifiable that territories wonder about the merits of this expedition(shipping), because he(it) seemed to have taken the shape of raid. The remark of Ibn ^CAbd al-Hakam on the long term of the expedition(shipping) was relevant: « they withdrew without leaving behind them a governor and without establishing Qayrawân », what means the absence of any demand of earth(ground). Only a representative of the permanent central power and the implementation of a military camp can be the symbol of demands on the politico-religious plan, with the intention to maintain these territories within dâr al-islâm, even if the conversion of the populations at this stage(stadium) of the conquests remains formal.

As campaigns(countrysides) succeeded one another in the direction of the Maghreb, the Arabic historiography drew up balance sheet who confirms that the booty gets(touches) more and more the Berber company(society). The campaigns(countrysides) of Mûsâ b. Nusayr was more significant in the captives. He(it) had sent Berber 60 000 in East. A massive movement of populations that neither the security politics(policy), nor the fights of pacification can justify(prove). Let us notice that the politics(policy) of the caliphs of east was not any more legitimized by an authority, which respects scrupulously the public interests established by the first caliphs, that is a shape of power in the style of the Persians and the Sassanides. The reality, which gets free of figures of the historico-geographical tradition of the conquest, underlines that the booty of the Arabic army had got(touched) the economic and social life of the Byzantine and the Berber and that the country was considered as a rich and precious earth(ground) in finances and in slaves.

The historiography brings back to(reports) us the letter attributed(awarded) to Mûsâ, and sent to al-Walîd b. ^CAbd al-Mâlik after the grip(taking) of Sekîouma announcing him(her) « your quint of prisoners made for Sekîouma rises to hundred thousand ». This letter had even provoked the surprise of the caliph, which tended to direct the conquest to more captives (Jawârî and khadam) to answer the bigger and bigger need of the oriental power. The glance which we have just quoted, shows us on one hand how the war drew the card(map) servicemen of the protagonists of the conflict, on the other hand it reveals through the question of the booty, that of the autonomy of the conquerors, the needs of the caliphate of east, the status of the Berber and the Byzantine from a campaign(countryside) to the other one, the extraordinary instability of the Moslem expansion, because the Berber were everything in tour(tower,ballot), according to the temperament of the Arabic governor set up by the caliph, the auxiliaries(aids,assistants) or the dependent on the army.

(1)-MORABIA Alfred, The notion of Jihâd in medieval Islâm of the origins in al-Ghazâlî, Albin Michel, Paris, pp., 208 sq. LAGARDÈRE Vincent, Almoravides until the reign of Yûsuf b. Tâshfîn, Harmattan, Paris, on 1989, pp., 181 sq. Golden PACKSADDLE YE', Jewish and Christian under Islâm, DImmî in front of fundamentalist challenge, edict ., Berg International, on 1994, pp., 23 in 30 MILLETS-GÉRARD D., mozarabes Christians and culture Islamic in Spain VIII^E-IX^E Edict ., Augustinian Studies, Paris, on 1984, pp., 88.

(2)-IBN ABÎ ZAYD al-Qayrawânî, Risâla " Epitre on the elements of the dogma of the law of Islâm according to the rite malikite ", Trad ., and éd., to DIG Léon, Algiers, on 1960, p., 163.

(3)-N: the term Majûs is sometimes used to indicate(appoint) the totality of the nons-Muslims whatever is their religious membership, as for example the al-Bakrî geographer (Description of Africa, op. cit., 184) had indicated: « in the year 244 hours / 858, Majûs (Normans) invaded the city of Nakûr ( Nokour) and mirror it in the plunder. They brought in captivity all the inhabitants who had not looked for their safety(salute) in the flight(leak) ». Ibn ^CIdârî in al-Bayân had used the same term of Majûs to indicate(appoint) the Normans of Sicily.

(4)-IBN TAYMIYA, Al-Siyâsa al-shar^CIyaThe treaty of Public law of Ibn Taymiya, the edict ., French Institute of Damascus, Beirut trad ., by LAOUST Henri, on 1948, p., 130. Golden PACKSADDLE YE', The Christendoms of East between Jihâd and Dhimmitude: VII^E-XX^E Century,Deer, Paris, on 1991, p., 340 and TALBI Mohamed, The emirate Aghlabide, pp., 22-23.

(5)-Jihâd: Encyclo. Islâm, T., II, pp., 551-552. MORABIA Alfred, The notion of jihâd, op. cit., pp., 215-216.

(6)-MILLET-GERARD Dominique, mozarabes Christians, op. cit., p., 88 notes 35.

(7)-AL-MÂLIKÎ, Riyâd al-nufûs fî my^CRifat tabaqât ^CUlamâ ' al-Qayrawân wa Ifrîqiya,Éd., by BAKOUCH Bachir, edict ., Dâr al-Gharb al-Islâmî, Beirut, on 1984, T., I, p., 14. P., 304. AL-NUWAYRÎ, Conquest of northern Africa by the Muslims and the history(story) of this country under the Arabic Emirs, in IBN KHALDÛN ^CA. Stories(Trouble) of the Berbers, T., I, edict ., Paul Geuthner, the Paris, on 1978, p., 314, the author underlines only the economic interest (booty) after the raids of Ibn Sa^CD on the borders of Ifrîqiya. IBN ^CABD AL-HALÎM, New narrative of the conquest of North Africa, dand Arabica, V., I, Leyde, on 1954, p., 35.

(8)-AL-MÂLIKÎ, Riyâd al-nufûs, T., I, pp., 14-15 and AL-BALADÛRÎ, Futûh, op. cit., p., 234. IBN ^CABD AL-HAKAM, Appendix, op. cit., p., 304. AL-NUWAYRÎ, Appendix, op. cit., pp., 214-215. (See also the list of the companions(journeymen) and the contribution of the Arabic tribes in the expedition(shipping) of Ibn Sa^CD).

(9)-AL-NUWAYRÎ, Appendix, op. cit., p., 315.

(10)-N: IBN KHALDÛN had written, by criticizing the Arabic sources(springs): « it was the true (Latin), which(who) exercised the supreme authority in Ifrîqiya, because, Rûm ( Greeks) enjoyed no influence there: there was a this nation only troops used(employed) in the service of francs there; and if we meet the name of Rûm in the books(pounds) which deal with the conquest of Ifrîqiya, it results only from the extension given to the meaning of the word. The Arabs of this time(period) do not know Francs, and having had to fight(dispute) in Syria that Rûm, they had imagined themselves that this nation dominated the other Christian peoples... Under the influence of this idea, they gave the name of Rûm to all the peoples who professed the Christianity. By reproducing the information supplied by the Arabs, I made it no change, but I nevertheless have to declare that Grégoire... (Greek), but frank (latin) was not rûmî... » History(Story) of the Berbers, T., I, p., 208.

(11)-N: our sources(springs) do not explain how the conquerors discuss with the Berber and the Byzantine? And what was the language(tongue) used in the negotiations? Doubtless the converted Christian Arabs of the Shâm, Palestine and the al-Hîra, who had a control(master's degree) of the Latin, they were among the expeditions(shippings), as well as the Copts of Egypt, whose Arabs used the experiences(experiments) in the diwân of the taxes ( Kharâj). In brief, the Latin had remained the language(tongue) of the administration in Egypt till the end of the reign of Abd al-Mâlik b. Marwân. In the negotiations of Ibn Sa^CD, sources(springs) inform us about a Coptic interpreter of Egypt (al-Mâlikî, Riyâd al-nufûs, T., I, op. cit., p., 17 and AL-DABÂGH, My^CÂlim al-Imân ., al-Matba^CHas al-^CArabiya, Tunis, T. I, p., 31). With the Berbers Abdul-Wahâb, emitted(uttered) the hypothesis that the Berber of the oasis of Siwa were the intermediaries of the Arabic army (Abdul-Wahab H. H., Studies on certain aspects of the Arabic civilization in Ifrîqiya, Bookshop to al-Manâr, Tunis, on 1965, pp., 63 - 64).

(12)-AL-NUWAYRÎ, Appendix, op. cit., p., 317 and AL-MÂLIKÎ, Riyâd al-nufûs, T., I, p., 26.

(13)-AL-NUWAYRÎ, Appendix, op. cit., p., 317. AL-MÂLIKÎ, Riyâd al-nufûs, T., I, op. cit., pp., 17-19-26.

-N: the speech of Abd Allâh b. al-Zubayr in the Mosque of Medina was a description made for the caliph on the stages of the conquest of Ibn Sa^CD. This text moreover joins in these religious standards that of Utmân « it exhorted the Muslims to wage war saint in the way of Allâh, so that the word of Allâh is the highest » (the Koran, IX, 40), to invite people to adopt the religion of Allâh, to proclaim his(her,its) unitarian character ( Tawhîd) and to believe in the truth of what Muhammad had brought ». IBN ^CABD AL-HALÎM, New narrative, op. cit., p., 35.

(14)-AL-NUWAYRÎ, Appendix, op. cit., p., 317, the author underlines the demand(request) of an annual levy (Kharâj sanawî). AL-MÂLIKÎ, Riyâd al-nufûs, T., I, op. cit., p., 17.

(15)-IBN ^CABD AL-HAKAM, Appendix, p., 304. AL-NUWAYRÎ, Appendix, p., 317. AL-BALADÛRÎ, Futûh, p., 234. IBN KHALDÛN ^CA. Stories(Trouble) of the Berbers, T., I, op. cit., p., 209.

(16)-AL-NUWAYRÎ, Appendix, op. cit., p., 317, he wrote: « but him(it) (Grégoire) spread: if you asked me for a single dirham, I would not give him(it) », even made in AL-MÂLIKÎ, Riyâd, T., I, op. cit., p., 17.

(17)-IBN ^CABD AL-HAKAM, Appendix, p., 304. AL-NUWAYRÎ, Appendix, p., 322. AL-MÂLIKÎ, Riyâd, p., 322. IBN ^CIDÂRÎ, al-Bayân al-mughrib fî akhbâr al-Andalusie wa al-Maghrib, éd., by HAKE(COLEY) G., T., I, p., 12. IBN ^CABD AL-HALÎM, New narrative. P., 40. AL-DABÂGH ., My^CÂlim, T. I, p., 33.
-N: the Arabic sources(springs) implicitly underline that the treaty was precipitated by numerous attacks and differences about the politics(policy) of the caliph ^CUtmân in the field of the management of the treasury (Bayt al-Mâl). AL-NUWAYRÎ, Appendix, in IBN KHALDÛN ^CA. History(Story) of the Berbers, T., I, op. cit., p., 323.

(18)-AL-NUWAYRÎ, Appendix, op. cit., p., 322. IBN ^CIDÂRÎ, al-Bayân, T., I, p., 12.

(19)-N: the transmission chain in these traditions of the Prophet on Ifrîqiya and difficulties of the jihâd in this territory was often under the authority of the followers of Mâlik. Big jurists of Ifrîqiya and Spain related these HadîTAs the doctor of malikites in Ifrîqiya Sahnûn Ibn Sa^CÎd, (death(dead man) in 240 H / 854), ^CAbd Allâh Ibn Wahb (died in 197 a Hour / 817). These narratives allowed the historico-geographical tradition to find a theological and legitimist source(spring) to tell the history(story) of the conquest.

(20)-AL-BAKRÎ, Description of northern Africa, edict ., Maisonneuve, Paris, on 1965, tx., F, pp., 49-50.

(21) - ibid . Pp., 50-51