According to the historian Ibn Abî Zar^C The reformer Muhammad Ibn Tûmart was one of the pupils of Abû Hâmid: « among the meetings of the scholars where al-Mahdî acquired all his(her,its) knowledge was Shaykhs, incomparable Imâm, famous Abû Hâmid al-Ghazâlî (that God made him(her) mercy and approves it!), to the which he(it) became attached during three years. Al-Ghazâlî, by seeing al-Mahdî for the first time, guessed its future, and when it had gone out, he says to his followers: " there is no doubt that this Berber becomes sovereign of the al-Aqsâ Maghrib and that it a vast and powerful empire there. He(it) carries(wears) in him all the signs described in the tradition. " Al-Mahdî, having had knowledge of this prediction, and some of his(her) companions(journeymen) having said to him(her) that the doctor had even found him(it) in his book al-Ghazâlî dedicated itself completely to the lessons, that it followed until it had to learn nothing more. And it is then left to follow the fate that the Almighty had dictated ».

If Ibn Khaldûn had put the doubts on the meeting of both men(people), unlike Ibn Abî Zar^C And Ibn ^CIdârî, the author of al-Hulal al-mûshiya had spoken about a direct contribution of oriental master(teacher) in the succession(advent) of the movement almohade. After the sovereign almoravide had ordered to burn and to forbid the book Ihyâ ' ^CUlûm al-ddîn, al-Ghazâlî had prayed so that the dynasty is destroyed(annulled) by Ibn Tûmart who was present in the room, that is Abû Hâmid does not oppose to the project of his(her) follower and that is the fight(wrestling) against the power of Lamtûna became a priority of ^CUlamas.

Ibn Tûmart, convinced follower of al-Ghazâlî, had made of the principle of the censorship of the customs his hobbyhorse as soon as he left the east to get back to his native country, as clergyman and as censor(deputy head) of the customs. Everywhere where he(it) pass he(it) makes speak about him. Before its arrival within the company(society) of welcome(reception), Ibn Tûmart showed himself rebel of the situation of community of the Muslim west.

In the boat which returned him(it) in Ifrîqiya, the faqîh broke jars of wine and obliged the passengers to make the prayer. In al-Mahdiya, capital of the kingdom zîrîde, he(it) caused a disorder in the city, by breaking jars of wine and musical instruments. He(it) passed then to Munastîr and in Tunis where he(it) taught talabas (students) ^CIlm ( The religious science). But Ibn Tûmart, native of a small village named Ijlî to the South of Marrakesh, region of the company(society) of welcome(reception) Masmûda and the fief of the power almoravide, had said to his(her) companions(journeymen) according to the historian of the movement al-Baydaq: « we shall go to Maghrib, if he(it) pleases Allâh », as if the faqîh of Sûs, of tribes Hargha and follower of al-Ghazâlî the enemy of the Almoravides, was only getting through the Maghreb for Maghrib al-Aqsâ.

To Constantine, province of Hammadîdes, held by governor Sab^C Son(Sons,Thread) of the sovereign al-^CAzîz, Ibn Tûmart had continued to teach the religious science. From his(its) arrival to Bijâya, he(it) settled down in the Mosque of Myrte (Masjid al-Ryhâna), while forbidding " the inhabitants to carry(wear) sandals in the golden strips, the turbans of the time(period) of the paganism; he(it) forbade to the men(people) to dress(to take on) tunics said futûhiyât ).

Two incidents made of Ibn Tûmart the follower and the activist of the most radical branch of ^CUlamas Muslim:

1 - in the opportunity(occasion) of the party(holiday) of the breaking of the fast (Al-^CÎd al-Saghîr) The crowd mixed(involved) without distinction of sex revolted Imâm « then came to take place in the middle of them, gave blows with a stick to the right and to the left and scattered them ».

2 - to Mallala, town in the suburb of Candle where the sons(threads) of al-^CAzîz built him(her) an oratory, the faqîh arrived a day at the door of the Sea (Bâb al-Bahr), broke the jars of wine, what pulled(entailed) a violent reaction of the slaves of Sab^C Hammadîde, because the police of the customs ( the hisba) was a function(office) administrative, whereas Ibn Tûmart considers it as a function(office) of ^CUlamas Muslims. These incidents urged the sovereign hammadîde to expel him(it) from the city.

Passing by Mattîja, al-Akhmâs, Malyâna, Wanshrîs, Ibn Tûmart arrived at the big city of Tlemcen, where he stayed one moment to teach the religious science and he attacked(affected) at the same time musical instruments. The same actions(shares) reproduce to Oujda, Sâ^CGarsîf and Qallal.

In Fes, Ibn Tûmart settled down with his(her) companions(journeymen) in the Mosque Ibn Ghannân then in the Mosque of Ibn al-Maljûm and finally in the Mosque Batriyâna. During his stay in Fes, he had ordered to his companions(journeymen) to destroy(annul) the musical instruments which were on the market of the alley named Bazqâla.

Of Fes, the faqîh and his(her) companions(journeymen) got back to Marrakesh, passing by Meknès and Salty(Steep). During his(its) journey he(it) taught ^CIlm ( Religious science) and insisted on the censorship of the customs. From his(her,its) arrival to Marrakesh, capital of Almoravides which forbade Kitâb Ihyâ ' ^CUlûm al-ddîn in Mosques and persecuted these believers(regular customers), Ibn Tûmart did not delay showing himself against the political authority and against the foqahâs malikites. After a stay in the Mosque of Snorkel(Tuba) then in the Mosque of ^CAliy b. Yûsuf, the confrontation took place within the Mosque, during a protest of the faqîh against ^CAliy b. Yûsuf which(who) carried(wore) the veil according to the former(ancient) tradition of Sanhâja of the desert. After days in the Mosque ^CArafa, Ibn Tûmart was invited in the theological debate al-Munâdara ) organized by the sovereign who was going to gather(combine) the fuqahâs of his(her,its) kingdom to face the political threat which represents Ibn Tûmart. This last one went out victorious of the Munâdara. Fuqahâs malikites in turn appealed to the political authority to end the threat of Ibn Tûmart (Sâhib al-dirham al-muraba^C Or al-murakan). Expelled from the capital Marrakesh, Ibn Tûmart got back to the company(society) of welcome(reception) which was going to supply him(her) the help(assistant) against the power almoravide.

The period of the political effort had gathered(combined) three strengths of contestings managed against the power which presses on the company(society) of welcome(reception) on the fiscal plan, and which deprived the mountain dwellers of their strategic or vital space. While forbidding the access on these territories to the book of al-Ihyâ ' which was going to serve as means of contesting against Almoravides, only holders of the power in the Muslim west wildly set at the idea of reforming the customs.

The arrival of Ibn Tûmart at about the year 1121 ap. J.C in western Maghrib, after a long journey in East noticed by two elements, on one hand the criticisms(critics) of Ibn Tûmart to the palace, to the fuqahâs and to the inhabitants of the Muslim west. On the other hand the unique(only) and radical strategy of the faqîh of Sûs (al-amr wa al-nnahy). To tell the truth, Ibn Tûmart had never stopped teaching, censoring and sending publicly the report of ignorance of these interlocutors (sovereign, ^CUlamas, talaba and ^CÂma...). This intransigence which Ibn Tûmart had posted(shown) along the journey and its permanent instigation, had urged us to qualify him(it) as the reformer-rebel.

The Arabic sources(springs) relate that Ibn Tûmart had begun with a socio-religious program. He(it) had practised his(its) theories and provoked the company(society) of the umma of the Muslim west, and first of all the political powers. This program tûmartienne was grosso-modo a speech which contains three points:

1-L'ban on the blameworthy.

2-La fight(wrestling) against the traditions of the company(society).

3-La vivification of the religious sciences.

Up to the city of Aghmât, the strategy of Ibn Tûmart had obtained only thin results(profits) on the political level. She had allowed the reformer to have a celebrity and a name, that is he(it) had acquired a reputation as a scholar, a reformer and a servant of God. The experience(experiment) of the journey had carried(worn) in the knowledge of Ibn Tûmart the state of mind of the inhabitants, the governors and the moral authorities. The strategy of Ibn Tûmart before its arrival within the company(society) of welcome(reception) had been able to mobilize elites of the knowledge in the Maghreb, that is Ibn Tûmart had left behind him followers' homes(foyers).

The power almoravide, which had measured the threat of her(it) Da^CWa Of Ibn Tûmart, had not stopped harassing him(it) in the South of Marrakesh, from a village to the other one. During this persecution, it seems to us that two events had intervened in the route(course) of the reformer, which was going to break all ties with the period of return and its strategy:

1-Ibn Tûmart had met the opponents of the diet(regime) of Almoravides, in the person of the Shaykh Ismâ^CÎl Ikîk (one of the members of council ten), this last one had supplied him(her) the protection of Aghmât Warîka in the country of Masmûda (a guarding(nurse) of 200 persons of its tribe).

2-Ibn Tûmart had thrown back(rejected) the gratitude(recognition) of the power of Almoravides (Khala^CHas ^CAlayhi wa ^CThe ashâbihi year ^CAliy b. Yûsuf) From his(her,its) exit(release) of Marrakesh.

These previous two events seem completely significant, for multiple reasons:

1-Le contact of Ibn Tûmart with Shaykh Ismâ^CÎl Ikîk means the end of the period of the search(research) for the faqîh (such as he was named(appointed) by the historian of the movement al-Baydaq) during his(her,its) return of the east and the beginning of the period of invitation.

2-Le contact had also meant the results(profits) of the effort preparations, on one hand Ibn Tûmart had found a space, which was going to become the territory of her(it) Da^CWa And his(her) inhabitants of the Mujâhidîn of the almohade community, and on the other hand the company(society) (Masmûda) had found the expected reformer.

The union between three political potentialities namely: Masmûda / the elites of tribes / elites of the knowledge, had trained(formed) three groups necessary for the implementation of the political power. On the other hand it is necessary to notice all the same, as regards the case almohade, that the connection between three strengths of change was neither exemplary, nor simple, nor without contradiction, because the public interest was to end the power of Lamtûna, whereas the specific interests of some and the others and political reflections were far from being homogeneous. These for it that the reformer Ibn Tûmart was going to intervene to move closer to the ideas to end in a balance between the strengths of the territory of her(it) Da^CWa.

From Aghmât to Hargha (tribe of the reformer), Ibn Tûmart had made 29 movements inside the territory of the company(society) of welcome(reception). He(it) had stayed in several villages of western High Atlas, to meet inhabitants' largest number and their elites. Villages were grosso-modo of the small villages, souks and strategic points where tribes were used to meeting. To tell the truth we do not possess enough information on his(her,its) villages, except what had brought back(reported) Abû Bakr al-Sanhâjî, known under the name of al-Baydaq in its work on the life of Mahdî.

Aware(Conscious) of the power of her(it) ^CAsabiya Masmûdienne, Ibn Tûmart had approached the company(society) otherwise. The dialogue in the name of al-amr wa al-nahy had no political and religious carried(worn) sound, as it had practised him(it) during its journey. The reformer Ibn Tûmart unlike Ibn Yâsîn seems sociable, he had even made concessions by speaking about the size(greatness) of about it ^CAsabiya Masmûdienne, of its power and its political future. He(it) had taken advantage of the alliance(wedding ring) of Banû Wakâs to use them against the opponents of these reforms Banû Hamûd.

The Arabic sources(springs) bring back(report) that Mahdî had not declared its political project long-term. On the other hand he(it) had multiplied his(its) efforts to gather(combine) the elites of the company Masmûda. We notice that the strategy of Ibn Tûmart had progressed since the meetings with Shaykhs des Masmûda in a strategy which made of its tribe Hargha the rampart against any attempt of rebellion of the other tribes, and of jabal Ijlîz the center of Da^CWa. During three years these factors(mailmen) were the only elements practised by the reformer Ibn Tûmart. These practical points were strengthened by a propaganda of the reformer, he had exercised all his(its) talent and his(its) knowledge to make of his person the example of the learned Muslim, the saint and the servant of God. The Arabic sources(springs) bring back(report) that Ibn Tûmart had used its knowledge in Arabic and Berber language to influence his(her) interlocutors. He had at the same time, and in everything the cases, advanced his personality and his ideas on the religion, the practice of the Muslims and the duty of knowledge.

Unlike Ibn Yâsîn, Ibn Tûmart had accepted the food of Masmûda. From his(its) arrival to Hargha, he(it) had changed his(its) strategy of action(share), by withdrawing in a cave. What appears to us as one of the means which had increased the charisma of the reformer. At the same time these practices had prepared the company(society) to accept the mahdisme, which he had declared having to prepare the company(society) for this event.

These some practices of the reformer illustrate the political links between the company Masmûda and the groups of the Islamic knowledge, he(it) shows us a way of making some politics(policy) in the Middle Ages. The reforms socio-nun, as short-term strategy, had nothing surprising in comparison with others than had known western Maghrib. On the other hand the political speech of reform made a political system to approach the company(society).

In other words, the monk was adopted at a political level to answer the internal system of the company(society) and the regional companies(societies). For the reformer-rebel Ibn Tûmart, the ignorance of the elite of the knowledge of the umma of the Muslim west was largely due to the education(teaching) of the sciences of Furû^C. He(it) had put in the al-usûl honor ( religious science), in particular, what had touched the foundations of the religion.

The reformer had always refused to belong to one of the quartes legal rites of the islâm of these interlocutors, his surprise such as it had expressed him(it) on legal questions that the treaties of right(law) resolved by different manners, had allowed him(her) to oppose along its journey and during the theological debates to fuqahâs. The experience(experiment) of Ibn Tûmart had to appear a religious doctrine which we tend to call the almowahidisme, where the ideas ash^CArites, mu^CTazilites and ghazaliennes was going to coexist to compose the long-term strategy and the material(subject) of legitimization of the power, this one had concerned the unitarian tawhîd ) dogma, the legitimization and the morality.

Before proceeding to the analysis of the purpose of the unitarian dogma, we are going to define him(it) first of all. The theme of (Tawhîd, Wahdâniyat Allâh) or the divine uniqueness was one of the fundamental questions of the theological debates between them ^CUlamas of the east as the Muslim west. Tawhîd was connected with the science of the foundations of the religion, in the phenomenon of the faith in brief in al-usûl, its symbolic and inflexible opposition was the science of the legal applications.

For the reformer-rebel le Tawhîd is « the assertion of unique(only) God and the negation of all which is not him: divinity, partner, saint, idol », and it is also a foundation of the islâm next to the prayer, the zakât, the fast and the pilgrimage. Ibn Tûmart had justified intellectually the divine uniqueness by basing itself at once(at the same time) on the reason in the style of Mu^CTazilites, and on the texts of Qur^CÂn And HadîT Of the prophet. He had insisted on the idea that: « God looks like nothing, because we look like only a thing(matter) of the same sort(species), now, God cannot be the same sort(species) as the creatures, because If It was him. He(it) would be powerless as them and the existence of acts would become impossible there, what cannot conceive because we established that acts exist ».

In front of verses al-Mutasâbihât "ambiguous", as for example the verse 4 of the sûrate XX " Merciful, on the throne is held in Majesty " seeming to lead(drive) to a human representation of the divinity, Ibn Tûmart had insisted on the fact that it was necessary to take them such as they are, by spreading(by pushing aside) any attempt of comparison, any representation. Ibn Tûmart following Ash^CArites and Mu^CTazilites had proposed their interpretation(performance) without comparison. Consequently, any God's presentation(display) by the means which the intelligence has, was for Ibn Tûmart a proof of atheism and anthropomorphisme.

Tawhîd had established(constituted) the source(spring) of the political legitimacy of the reformer-rebel and his(her) successors inside as outside of the masmûdienne company(society).

On the internal plan, in a letter which the reformer had sent to the almohade community, he wrote: « Take care with learning Tawhîd because it is the base of your religion, to push away(to repel) far from the creator any comparison ( Tashbîh), or any association (al-Ishrâk or Shirk), any idea of imperfection ( al-Naqâ'is ), decrease ( al-Afât ), limit ( al-Hudûd ) of direction(management) (al-Jihât ); do not place him(it) in a place, nor in a direction(management), because the Almighty exists before places and directions(managements)! The one who gives him(her) a physical shape in fact a creature and the one who makes it a creature is as the admirer of an idol ».

The company(society) of welcome(reception) had found in the religious speech of Ibn Tûmart two fundamental principles:

1-Le Tawhîd was a unifying element between États-Cités of the High Atlas, he had represented a novelty in legitimization of a strength which had caressed(cherished) the dream to be a day a dominant power.

2-Ibn Tûmart had managed in the name of the religious science, in particular the Tawhîd, during its journey and in Munâdara with the fuqahâs of Marrakesh to give the example onto the efficiency of religious and political theories.

On the outside plan, Ibn Tûmart had defined the field of the ideological action(share) of the community almohade, because everything the inhabitants who refused the doctrine of Tawhîd, went(surrendered) by this guilty act of associationism and anthropomorphisme, which it was necessary to reduce by weapons; as such Ibn Tûmart wrote to his(her) followers: « Apply to Jihâd of unfaithful veiled because it is more important to fight(dispute) them than to fight(dispute) Christians and all the unfaithful twice or more still; indeed, he(it) attributed(awarded) one aspects physical to the creator - that he(it) is glorified! - thrown back(rejected) Tawhîd, been fly-away(rebel) in the truth ». Such was the objective of the doctrine of Tawhîd of the reformer-rebel.

Ibn Tûmart, with the legislation, the constituent of the project, had marked its opposition to the fuqahâs malikites of the diet(regime) almoravide. Shari^CHas Was for the reformer an important source(spring) of the right(law), the sources(springs) of religious laws ( Qur^CÂn, And the traditions of the prophet) were the fundamental principles of her(it) Shari^CHas, And to mark his(its) opposition he(it) had taught to the almohade community a material(subject) of Muslim right(law) which contains the following major principles:

1-Ibn Tûmart had distinguished in them HadîT Two categories: HadîT The most safe(surest) which have a continuous transmission chain, before them HadîT Which(Who) are based on a single authority.

2-Ibn Tûmart had not accepted Al-ijmâ^C Based on the qiyâs ( the analogy), but he(it) had admitted The ijmâ^C Companions(Journeymen) of the prophet.

3-Il had excluded the reasoning in the religious law.

4-Il had also excluded the individual appreciation of her(it) Sharî^CA.

5-L'Imâm Mâlik b. Anas and the leaders of the legal schools which were a source(spring) for foqahâs almoravide, did not establish(constitute) the end of the legal effort, that is Ibn Tûmart had refused to admit that the ijtihâd was closed.

In the political thought of Ibn Tûmart, the implementation of the community almohade (al-umma al-muwahidiya), cannot be enough to activate(start) the hostilities against the power almoravide, because this last one, in spite of these ideological difficulties, represented a powerful power by its military experience(experiment) to western Maghrib and in Andalusia. Consequently, the first period of Ibn Tûmart, where the politico-religious program had obtained the membership(support) of the company Masmûda, cannot satisfy Ibn Tûmart who wanted reformer and organizer of a movement. To go beyond his(its) first program, he(it) was going to proceed to an organization of Masmûda, while completing his(its) program from the following elements:

1-L'Imamat mahdiste.

2-Le jihâd ( the holy war) against Almoravides to complete the formula Al-Amr bi al - my^CRûf wa al-nnahy ^CAni al-munkar, The Moslem reformers had considered since the birth of the first Islamic State, the last two principles as a duty, an obligation(bond) and a mission of creatures ( the human being) of God, that is God had ordered to the Muslims to practise to al-Amr wa al-nahy and the jihâd.

3-L'organization of the supreme organs of the community almohade and the first military expeditions(shippings).

The permanent hijrat through the country of Masmûda, was indicated by sources(springs) Arabic as of simple movements of Mahdî, with the exception of the only one who seems spectacular in 514 of the Hegira, where Mahdî had stayed at Ijlîz in a cave instead of being in a house, he(it) stayed a few days there. Mahdî had reconstituted in reality a symbolism (the symbolism of the cave of hirâ '). This fact had certainly an influence on the companions(journeymen) of the Mahdî and the populations Masmûda. From his(her,its) exit(release) of the cave, we notice two events which were going to translate the state of mind of the populations Masmûda towards Mahdî:

1-La Bay^CHas In Mahdî in the name of Qur^CÂn And of Sunna, but with a practice that Mahdî had set up for the first time, he(it) consists in putting some salt in the hand at the time of the oath.

2-Les population Masmûda at the time of a collective meal, declared that Mahdî does not eat, what he(it) threw back(rejected).

Ibn Tûmart had carried out(achieved) the act of the hijrat of Ijlîz to Tinmal, as Ibn Yâsîn. Tinmal had become the center and the temporary capital of the movement almohade, because he was in a region strengthened and difficult.

The second key point of the practice of Ibn Tûmart was bound(connected) to the theory of Imâmat. The researchers indicated the influence of the thought shi^CIte on the theory of Imâmat at Ibn Tûmart, but the problem is more complicated, because the imâm of point of view shi^CIte corresponds to Imâmat of the caliph at the Sunnites. Thus the imâm is the successor of the prophet.

The imâm for Ibn Tûmart should be a prophet or a Mahdî because Imâmat was in the following way:

1-Âdam.

2-Noé.

3-Ibrâhîm.

4-Dâwûd.

5-^CÎsa.

6-Muhammad.

The orthodox caliphs (Abû Bakr, ^CUmar etc.) had represented the period of khilâfat al-nubuwa. From this point of view, Ibn Tûmart had taken the name " of al-Imâm al-Mahdiy " and caliph's title for his(her) successor ^CAbd al-Mu'min. The historian of the movement almohade had confirmed both titles(securities) in his(her) work on the history(story) of the movement.

Imâmat in the papers of Ibn Tûmart, had nothing to do with the thought shi^CIte and less still with the Sunni thought. Thus how Ibn Tûmart had demonstrated the question of Imâmat?

According to Ibn Tûmart, Imâmat was shared in two periods: period of the prediction and that of the mandisme. For the period of the prophet the succession was of Abû Bakr until ^CAliy, what makes that Ibn Tûmart, unlike the ideas of al-Mawardî and of al-Ghazâlî, had considered that the period of the dynasty Umayyade was a period of the absence of Imâmat, that is Umayyades had no legitimacy to demand the title of imâm. Consequently, the imâm had lasted only thirty years. The second period was the one of Imâmat mahdiste, after a long absence of the imâm, that is last caliph ^CAliy b. Abî Tâlib until the Mahdî Ibn Tûmart. As such Ibn Tûmart was Imâm al-Mahdiy and his(her) successors were caliphs of the Imâmat of Mahdî and not caliphs of the Imâmat of the prophet. The thought of Ibn Tûmart in this domain had nothing to do with the principles of the shi^CIsme on the question of her(it) Raj^CHas (Return) and the period of the wilâya. He had insisted on the gratitude(recognition) by the Muslims du Mahdî. He(it) is according to recognized Ibn Tûmart Muhammad by « the Arabs, the Christians, the nomads and people of cities », because many of HadîT Went to the sense(direction) of its existence.

To resolve the question of her(it) ^CIsma ( The infallibility of the imâm), Mahdî had put him(it) for two reasons:

1-In eyes of Almohades, Ibn Tûmart needed to justify its indisputable and indisputable authority within the movement.

2-Le Mahdî had reconstituted the period of the prophet, but in the form of a period of the mahdisme, because the period of khilâfat al-nubuwa had known the absence of the application of the right(law) in the field of the succession. The mahdisme or the idea of Mahdî had found its legitimacy in the Islamic fiqh, what had facilitated for centuries the statement(declaration) of the mahdisme in the Middle East and in Muslim West.

The reconstruction of the prophetic symbolism was intended for the legitimization of the mahdisme, at the same time he(it) had strengthened the new power, this last one was set up in the middle of tribes and which had never accepted an authority from the outside, except a leader of them ^CAsabiya For the periods of the wars.

Mahdî Ibn Tûmart had based(established) for the first time in the history(story) of western Maghrib a political power, based on the infallibility of the imâm al-Mahdiy to gather(combine) tribes and exceed their institutions, what had urged him(it) to set up an organization of the new almohade community.

To exceed the tribal frame(executive), Ibn Tûmart had set up an organization to the exclusive service of the central power to Tinmal. By an original and unique(only) experience(experiment) in the history(story) of western Maghrib, he(it) had organized a complicated structure, specially trained(formed) to prepare the assault against the power of Almoravides. The supreme organs of the almohade community were organized in the following way:

1-Autour of the imâm al-Mahdiy come " people of the house " (Ahl al-dâr), they were closer to Mahdî.

2-Le advice(council) ten (Ahl al-jamâ^CHas or al-^CAshara) The first followers, among whom ^CAbd al-Mu'min b. ^CAliy, real authority of the movement.

3-Le advice(council) 50 (Ahl al-khamsîn), trained(formed) mainly by leaders of tribes and by sub-tribes (Hargha, Tinmal, Hantâta, Ganfîsa, Gadmiwa, Sanhâja, al-Qabâ ' him, Haskûra etc.).

4-Le advice(council) 70 (Ahl al-sab^CÎn) A more opened authority.

5-Les talabas (students), trained(formed) to be the future ideologists of the power, from the works of Mahdî (Muwatta ', Tawhîd and Murchida).

6-Les Huffâd, to whom Mahdî and members of council ten teach Tawhîd, with a training(formation) in the military domain, these last ones had replaced Shaykhs in the command of the army and to the government of provinces.

In the movement mahdisto-almohade, we find used all the means for two objectives: melt Masmûda in a new State and take the power in Muslim West. Consequently, political purges of the "sorting" ( Tamyîz), the reorganization of almohades organs and jihâd established(constituted) the last one almohade before the big conquests of make out a will of the community ^CAbd al-Mu'min.

The method of Ibn Tûmart had allowed the organization of the movement on solid bases. The historian of the movement had spoken about the system of reorganization of the supreme organs of the almohade community (Nidâm al-ta'âhî). This system in the name of the hospitality and of the solidarity had allowed, especially at the time of the "sorting" ( Tamyîz), to make an integration between Almohades.

A long list of names of tribes and personalities was given by al-Baydaq, which shows that in the name of Mahdî, we make a grouping around big tribes as Hargha, Hantâta etc.

We notice that the al-Ta'âhî system, means on the political level the integration by spirit of solidarity in the name of the doctrine of Tawhîd, without having the same blood ties, what was for Ibn Tûmart a means to exceed the spirit of the hostile clans, inside the movement to the foreign personalities.

With this extraordinary organization and in the name of Tawhîd, the jihâd against veiled Lamtûna and their fuqahâs (Mujasima), especially after a long ideological fight(wrestling) in everything the levels against the power of Almoravides, becomes necessary. Later 9 ghazwa against Almoravides, Almohades had lost the battle of al-Buhayra in 522 of the Hegira, where the companion(journeyman) of the Mahdî to al-Bashîr had died. After the military assault against the capital Marrakesh, Almohades withdrew to Tinmal. From the death of Mahdî at about the year 524 hours / 1130 ap. J.C, ^CAbd al-Mu'min had gained a victory central Maghrib and fall of Marrakesh in 541 a Hour / 1146 ap. J.C, his(her) successors finished the constitution of the empire almohade after the conquest of Andalusia and Ifrîqiya. The Muslim west and for the first time in the history(story) was unified under the same political and military authority.