The history(story) of the first activists before the movement almoravide knew its debuts in the first half of XI^E Century, during the pilgrimage of the Emîr des Sanhâja Yahyâ b. Ibrâhîm in the head of a delegation consisted of Shayhs of tribes ( 1 ). In his(her,its) return of Mecca, faithful to the traditions of the pilgrims, he(it) stopped(arrested) in al-Qayrawân ( Kairouan) to attend the lessons of the right(law) of the leader of the malikite orthodoxy in the Maghreb, pickets doctor Abû ^CImrân Mûsâ b. al-Hâj al-Fâsî ( 2 ).

Before going farther, it is advisable to specify the frame(executive) of the pilgrimage, or why this last one was the beginning of the political activity?

Beyond the religious practices of the Muslims, the pilgrimage which the elites of the company(society) carried out(achieved), was not only a simple religious act, but also an act intended for the neighbors of the company(society) of welcome(reception) in the Maghreb and for the caliph of East on one hand, and on the other hand for the contribule. It was first of all the fact which deserved to be quoted in the historiography and the medieval geography, that is the Moslem authors did not miss to indicate him(it) in the political history(story) of the region, because was a journey through territories belonging to such or such sovereign, visits in the political, economic and cultural centres. In brief the pilgrimage was almost a diplomatic mission, where the practices of elites had the sense(direction) of the observation of the experiences(experiments) of the others and the political discussion about the future of the territories of the Muslim West. This exchange of experience(experiment) was made in the high spheres of the company(society): ^CUlamas, Prince and Sovereigns ( 3 ).

In the case of Sanhâja, the Moslem authors inform us about the political discussions between two personalities of the North African elite:

1-Un Emîr of the confederacy Sanhâja of the Western Sahara which exercises its power on a territory " economic ethno ".

2-Un big scholar, teacher and leader of the school malikite who exercises an influence on these followers in the Maghreb ( 4 ).

The question of the Islamization of Sanhâja and the absence of the unique(only) doctrine.

The discussions between both personalities would seem to be at first sight a development(clarification) on the religious situation of the Sanhâja, which amounts to two reports: on one hand the judgment(sentence) of Abû ^CImrân on his(her) interlocutor, and on the other hand that of Emîr Yahyâ b. Ibrâhîm on these contribules. Consequently the discussions were confidentially connected to the company(society) of welcome(reception) belonging in dâr al-islâm.

Abû ^CImrân al-Fâsî was able to notice that Emîr des Sanhâja was little informed about the doctrine and the law of Islâm, « he was ignorant and that he did not know a word of Qur^CÂn and of Sunna », but « the fâqîh included that it was livened up(led) by bigger desire to educate itself, that it had good feelings, the faith and the confidence(trust) » (5). The report on the religious situation of the company(society) of welcome(reception) was made through the degree of the knowledge of his(her) elite Yahyâ b. Ibrâhîm. But when « the faqîh asks him(her) to which sect belonged his(her) people » (6), a question of a big importance, because it was not about the Islamization of the Western Sahara ( 7 ), but of the membership in one of the doctrines of Islâm, that is the evolution of the Islâm des Sanhâja was in the heart of the discussions to know if he(it) had reached(affected) the level of juridico-political Islâm. Consequently, Abû ^CImrân as such as ^CUlamas of the malikite school considered for a long time that the orthodox line is the fundamental base of « real Islâm », that the populations should follow for a good religious and social practice ( 8 ). Thus the Arabic authors did not question the membership of Sanhâja in dâr al-islâm (9), but him(it) had noticed the mediocrity of Islâm practised by the contribules of Emîr Yahyâ b. Ibrâhîm (10).

This last one had judged the religious situation of these fellow countrymen from three elements: the geopolitical problems of Sanhâja, the collective consciousness and the possible remedies to manage to introduce doctrinal Islâm into the company(society) of welcome(reception). « Sanhâja is ignorant of (the evolution) Islâm, because he(it) have nobody for them lira Qur^CÂnBut he(it) are aware(conscious) of their ignorance, him(it) wish only the good(property) and make their possible to arrive there » (11). Such is the judgment(sentence) of Emîr Yahyâ b. Ibrâhîm who had asked Faqîh Abû ^CImrân to find him(her) one of these pupils in a demand(request) for religious character and of commitment political: « if you want to gain(win) the reward(award) of the Almighty by teaching to the men(people) the practice of the good(property), to send thus with me, in our country, one of your pupils, to read Qur^CÂn And to teach the religion to my fellow countrymen, it their will be very useful; he will listen to and will obey, and you will so have deserved God's big reward(award), Almighty, because you will have been the principle of their direction(management) in the right sees ». This pupil will take care to realize a precise program which contains the following tasks:

1-La reading of the book (Qur^CÂn).

2-Apprendre the sciences and to educate them in their religion.

3-Expliquer the laws of Islâm and the rules of the Prophet ( 12 ).

We notice according to the judgment(sentence) of Emîr Yahyâ b. Ibrâhîm, that the needs of Sanhâja were not only in religious material(subject), what the Arabic sources(springs) put in the foreground ( 13 ). But their elite had included that Sanhâja needed a juridico-political doctrine to organize the life inside the Saharan company(society), that is develop the traditional economic and social practices of tribes sanhagiennes towards a political practice around a project of company(society), supervised by a guide (Dâ^CÎ) And legitimize the political authority and the morality of a group of company(society), by Islâm of school of indisputable reputation in the company(society) of the umma of the Muslim West. Where from the gratitude(recognition) of the malikisme and the obedience to the religious leader were during the discussions during the meeting of both personalities in al-Qayrawân (14).

The political refinement and the space of Da^CWa: both themes of the discussions.

The purpose looked for by Abû cImrân, representative character of the malikisme in Ifrîqiya, was the setting-up(presence) of his(her) juridico-political school in the Western Sahara, little shaken by the religious movements. Thus the implementation of the malikisme in the South of the country will consolidate, doubtless, these followers of Fes, Aghmât, Sijilmâsa etc., that is the scholars of the western Maghrib, first of all those who studied in al-Qayrawân, as the faqîh Wajâj b. Zalû al-Lamtî, of Sûs al-Aqsâ, installed(settled) to Néfis, village of the kingdom of Sijilmâsa, where he(it) had managed a malikite school. It belongs to this personality that Abû ^CImrân had appealed to find a reformer, because none of his students Qayrawanais wanted to leave for this country of Sanhâja ( 15 ). In a letter preceded by a presentation(display) of the leader sanhagien, Abû ^CImrân writes to his(her) follower: « to send with him, in his(its) country, one of your pupils, to you known to be religious, good, educated and skillful, he(it) will teach Qur^CÂn And the law of the Islam to these gentiles » (16). The same program proposed at the beginning of the discussions by the elite of Sanhâja appears in the letter of Abû ^CImrân to his(her) follower, what proves one more time that the leader of the malikite orthodoxy was one of the important personalities having contributed to the creation of the movement almoravide, and in the institution of the malikisme in western Maghrib.

Thus the objective declared was a duty Of al-^CÂlim al-muslim According to right malikite, but to supply a guide was a political will, because it was necessary question to strengthen the power of the elites of the company(society) of welcome(reception) and to produce a new politics(policy) on a tribal space, what was going to allow Sanhâja to maneuver inside their traditional territories. This political will was shared by the elites of tribes Sanhâja.

Yahyâ b. Ibrâhîm representative character had declared its intentions which consisted in ending the state in which its contribules evolved, by pushing the development of Sanhâja to an equal level on the ideological plan with their neighbors of the North. The supreme leader of the company(society) of welcome(reception) had understood the importance of doctrinal Islâm, especially in his unitarian material(subject) (17 ), and that the change of the traditional politics(policy) would be practicable only from this fundamental factor(mailman). Thus which was the economic and political situation of the country Sanhâja which would have contributed to this political will of Yahyâ b. Ibrâhîm?

1-Les Sanhâja was big nomads of the Western Sahara; their main wealth limited itself to the breeding of camels-dromadaire-, and in the taxes - right(law) of passage on the caravans which crossed their territories towards Sudan ( 18 ). They had maintained the control of a strategic space on a business level, that is a compulsory passage between the Maghreb - western Maghrib in private individual and Andalusia with western Africa (country of the gold and the slaves). This regular western traffic was a creation of X^E Century. He(it) modified profoundly the balance in the economy of all Africa. The gold appears as a vital need for all the Moslem powers. Before Almoravides, with Aghlabides d' Ifrîqiya, Umayyades of Spain, Idrîsides du Maghrib and Fâtimides the search(research) for highways ( 19 ). Thus the space of tribes Sanhâja was of an important economic strength evolved in the course of the centuries, because of the economic needs of the world Mediterranean (20). Indeed, to maintain the takings of taxes on the transactions(deals) in the shopping malls of the North and the South, as well as the taxes - right(law) of passage, Sanhâja was obliged to get back the centres of her(it) Dar^CHasAnd at the same time reduce the influence of Ghana to the South ( 21 ). They needed in a way a political and military organization to take advantage completely of the business Afro-méditerrannéen. To reach(affect) this objective, the elite of the confederacy would have included that the tribal political system could not produce of mobilizing formulae.

2-Les Sanhâja knew the experience(experiment) of the unification before the movement almoravide. They were unified in a powerful Berber confederacy, trained(formed) mainly Lamtûna, Jûdâla and Masûfa ( 22 ). Their objectives had been to lead(drive) the war against the kingdom of Ghana, until Emîr Tyûltân b. Tiklân al-Lamtûnî (m., in 222 a Hour / 837 ap. J.C) imposed taxes and the gratitude(recognition) of its authority on the country. The revolt of Shayhs des Lamtûna and the murder of the second successor of Tyûltân (in 306 a Hour / 920 ap. J.C) had for consequence the dislocation of the confederacy and the return in the power of Shayhs, which was going to last during hundred and twenty years, until the confederacy finds his(her) union in 1040 ap. J.C, supervised by Emîr Muhammad b. His(her) successor Yahyâ b Tifâwt al-Lamtûnî and. Ibrâhîm.

Such is the union of Sanhâja in the Western Sahara before the movement almoravide. As somewhere else, the unification in all the Maghreb was characterized by a strength qualified by the historians of Berber separatism, that is the unification was made around the economic centres, mainly in commercial vocation, with a "local" power which checked(controlled) the interAfrican North-south relations and on the space which belonged to him(her). From VIII^E Century the political card(map) had almost the configuration of an economic card(map). Bûrghwâta isolated itself of Islâm and checked(controlled) the Atlantic plain of western Maghrib, they stood out as the economic and religious strength in western Maghrib, kingdom of Tâhart, which checked(controlled) territories northern exchanges, Harijites became established in Djrid and jabal Nafûsa and finally Sanhâja checked(controlled) the territories of the Western Sahara from Audâghusht in the South of Sahara because of the presence of every powerful Zénète to Sijilmâsa ( 23 ).

Yahyâ b. Ibrâhîm knew about the history(story) of the unification and about the revolt of Shayhs, because he was only the second successor after the revolt. It was also conscious of the changes of the commercial roads ( 24 ), as well as of the political weakness of his(her) confederacy in front of strong kingdoms of the North of their ideology Harijite or shicite. In brief the changes took course(price,courses) in the Maghreb, and Islâm of the nomads ( 25 ) had all the capacities to face the doctrines of the North and the South.

The pilgrimage of the princes of the confederacy was not only a simple religious act but also a politics(policy) with destination: neighbors of the North and in their contribules. He allowed meetings with the elites of the other territories. However, appeal to one of the pupils of Abû ^CImrân to serve as guide (Dâ^CÎ) To the sanhagien people had nothing religious. The search(research) for a social group within the company(society) of welcome(reception) of a legitimist program to implement(operate) a project of company(society), was a thoughtful political driving(behavior) and an activism which showed itself through the discussions about the connection company(society) of welcome(reception) / elites of tribes / elites of the knowledge, and the choice of the men(people), Abû ^CImrân al-Fâsî to Wajâj b. Zalû the leader of the school of Néfis. This last one had chosen as the mission a faqîh sanhagien ^CAbd Allâh b. Yâsîn. It is a programming made well before the movement almoravide, conditioned(packaged) largely by the political and economic situation of the company(society) of welcome(reception) (Sanhâja of the Western Sahara), interests of a juridico-political malikite school and interests of the social group (the elite of Sanhâja).

(1)-Peut-être the personalities who composed the sanhagienne delegation were seven first ones of the Ribât to see: IBN ABÎ ZAR^CAl-Anîs al-mutrib birawd al-qirtâs fî hasHourBâr mulûk al-Maghrib wa târîHour Fâs, edict ., Dâr al-Mansûr madînat, Rabat, on 1983, p., 79.

- according to Ibn Hâldûn the departure of Yahyâ in distination of Mecca was made in 440 a Hour / 1048 ap. J.C (al-^CIbar, edict ., Dâr al-Fikr, Beirut, on 1983, p., 243).

(2)- extracted bibliographic: " saint Abû ^CImrân Mûsâ b. al-Hâj al-Fâsî, this illustrious doctor, native of Fes, had come to Kairouan to attend(take) the class(course) of Abû al-Hasan al-Kabûsî and had then surrendered to Baghdâd to attend the class of the Qâdî Abû Bakr b. al-Tayâb... Returned to Kairouan, he(it) did not go out of it any more, and died there (13 ramadân 430 hours / 1038 ap. J.C.). See on this character: IBN ABÎ ZAR^CRawd al-qirtâs " History(Story) of the sovereigns of the Maghreb and the annals of the city of Fes ", trad ., by BEAUMIER Auguste, edict ., The Imperial printing office, Paris, on 1860, p., 116.

(3)-N: only a study of set(group) on North Africa, Moslem Spain and Black Africa will carry(wear), doubtless, in our knowledge of elements mattering on the politics(policy) of the pilgrimage in the medieval case.

(4)- on this character see:-IBN AL-HourATÎB, Has^CMâl has al-a^CLâm fî man bûyi^CHas qabla al-ihtilâm, éd., by ^CABADÎ Muhtâr, edict ., Dâr al-Kitâb, Casablanca, on 1967, p., 226.

- hour. R. Idrîs, Two masters(teachers) of the legal kairouanaise school under Zîrîdes (XIth century) Abû Bakr b. ^CAbd al-Rahmân and Abû ^CImrân al-Fâsî, in A.I.E.O ., XIII, 1955, pp., 30 - 60.

(5)-IBN ABÎ ZAR^CRawd al-qirtâs " History(Story) of the sovereigns, p., 167.

(6) - ibid . P., 166.

(7) - was the process of the Islamization of the Western Sahara the work of Almoravides? A question which was examined by numerous historians, according to DELAFOSSE Maurice, (High Senegal-Niger, T., I, Paris, on 1920, pp., 32 - 33) the Islamization was made from 1020 ap. J.C, on the other hand MAUNY Raymand, (African western geographical Picture(Board) in the Middle Ages according to the written sources(springs), the tradition and the archaeology, the pub(ad,advertising) ., I.F.A.N ., Dakar, on 1961, pp., 522 in 523) had explained that the Islamization of Sanhâja would have lasted approximately 150 years of 850 in 1000 ap. J.C, whereas LEWICKI Tadeusz (The origins of Islâm in the Berber tribes of the Western Sahara, in the tourist information office, T., IX, 1970, pp., 203 in 214) had ended that this process began from the year 740 and ended with the beginning of the movement almoravide by 1050 ap. J.C. See also ZEROUKI Brahîm, The imâmat of Tâhart, T., I, edict ., The Harmattan, the Paris, on 1987, p., 109.

(8)-N: beyond the relations Créateur-Créature (al-^CIbâdât), the political, economic and social life (al-mu^CÂmalât) of the Moslem city(estate) was organized according to the principles of the majority doctrine, what explains largely many political formulae as for example Jihâd inside dâr al-islâm.

(9)-N: space considered Islamic and integral part in dâr al-islâm, where from the question: does the almoravide revolution establish(does constitute) a simple religious reaction against the disorder of sects and the religious detours(deviations) which knows the Berber world or the political and economic revolution due to the situation of the company(society) of welcome(reception) she(it) mêm?

(10)-AL-BAKRÎ Abû ^CUbayd Allâh, al-Mughrib fî dikr bilâd Ifrîqiya wa al-Maghrib, éd., by SLANE, edict ., Printing office of the government, Algiers, on 1857, p., 165.

-IBN ABÎ ZAR^CAl-Anîs al-mutrib, p., 124.

(11)-IBN ABÎ ZAR^CRawd al-qirtâs " History(Story) of the sovereigns, p., 167. (12)-IBN ABÎ ZAR^CHistory(Story) of the sovereigns, p., 167.

(13) - as a rough guide see:

-IBN ABÎ ZAR^CAl-Anîs al-mutrib, p., 125.

- unknown person, al-Hulal al-mûshiya fî dikr al-ahbâr al-Murrâkushiya, edict ., Dâr al-Rrashâd al-Hadîta, Casablanca, on 1979, p., 20.

-IBN AL-HATÎB, Has^CMâl has al-a^CLâm, p., 226.

(14)-IBN ABÎ ZAR^CHistory(Story) of the sovereigns, p., 167.

(15)-IBN ABÎ ZAR^CHistory(Story) of the sovereigns, pp., 167 - 168 and AL-BAKRÎ, al-Mughrib, p., 165.

(16) - ibid . P., 168.

(17)-On the unitarian material(subject) of doctrinal Islâm see: MAHMÛD Ismâcîl, Maqâlât fî al-fikr wa al-târîHourEdict ., Dâr al-Rrashâd al-HadîTHas, Casablanca, on 1979, p., 69.

(18)-AL-BAKRÎ Abû ^CUbayd, al-Mughrib fî dikr bilâd, p., 164.

-IBN ABÎ ZAR^CAl-Anîs al-mutrib, p., 120.

(19) - The question of Audagust, in Tegdaoust I undo Jean. Searches(researches) on Aoudaghost, edict ., Arts and crafts graphs, Paris, on 1970, pp., 109 sq.

(20)- on the evolution of ways commercial between the Muslim West and western Africa on one hand, and between both banks of the méditerranée of IX^E In XIV^E Centuries ap. J.C. on the other hand, numerous studies had put the light on the importance of the business in the political trasformations, among these works:

- undo Jean, Roads of business and Western exchange in Africa in connection with the méditerranée, In R.H.E.S ., on 1972, N 1, pp., 42 - 73 and N ° 2, pp., 357 in 397.

-VANACKER Claudette, economic Geography of North Africa according to the Arabic authors, IX^E Century in the middle of XIII^E Century, master's essay, Lille, on 1968, pub(ad,advertising) ., in Annals E.S.C ., in May-June, 1973, pp., 559 - 680.

-DUFOURCQ HP ., E., Business of the medieval Maghreb, in Acts of the congrè first one of history(story) and civilization of the Maghreb, Tunis, on 1979, T., I, pp., 164 - 168.

-MAUNY Raymond, geographical Picture(Board), op.cit.

(21) - see the card(map) of Ghana in its peak, in MAUNY R., current State of the question of Ghana.

(22)-AL-BAKRÎ, al-Mughrib, p., 164 and IBN ABÎ ZAR^CHistory(Story) of the sovereigns, p., 163.

(23)-AL-BAKRÎ Abû ^CUbayd, al-Mughrib, p., 164.

-LEWICKI Tadeusz, Prophêtes, soothsayers and magicians to Berber medieval, in Folia Orientalia, T., VII, 1965, pp., 3 - 27.

-ZEROUKI Brâhîm, Imâmat de Tâhart, T., I, pp., 106 - 119 (In these some pages dedicated to the bilâd of Sanhâja, the author drew the attention on the importance of the relations of Sanhâja with Tâhart).

-LEWICKI Tadeusz, The North African state of Tâhart and his(her,its) relations with western Sudan at the end of VIII^E And in XI^E Centuries, in Exercise books of Studies Africans, N ° II, on 1965, pp., 513 - 535.

(24) - on the evolution of the commercial ways see:

- VANACKER Claudette's catres, economic Geography of North Africa, pp., 659 - 680.

- undo Jean, The question of Audagust, pp., 109 sq.

(25)-KI-ZERBO Joseph, History(Story) of Africa, edict ., Hatier, Paris, on 1979, p., 113 (speak about Islâm relaché).